Early Eighteenth Dynasty Chronology

Ancient Egypt has been a source of wonder and fascination for centuries; indeed, in the west, Egypt was one of the few places where gentlemen archaeologists and adventurers would flock to. The incredibly rich history, mythology and monuments have been a source of inspiration for historians and artists alike.

Since the start of the 20^th century, Egyptian chronology has remained virtually intact, being based on historical records. “The annual reappearance of the bright star Sothis, which we know as Sirius, in the sky just before sunrise was a feast day for the Egyptians. It was dutifully recorded in the Egyptian documents as taking place on particular civil year days. Since the later Egyptian civil year was one of 365 days and the astronomical year of Sothis was 365.25 days, a methodical displacement of the heliacal rising took place in the Egyptian calendar”. This has helped scholars work out the yearly dates for ancient events in Egypt.

However, scholars are now taking a closer look at the calendars of ancient Egypt. It has long been established that the Egyptians used a new moon to work out their lunar calendar but they also used a new crescent moon dating system as well. “The fact that simplifies the operation is that new moons in the Egyptian 365-day calendars repeat themselves every 25 years. Consequently, once the x,26 date is established, one can move in 25-year steps to make other calculations”. This makes determining the chronology of the different dynasties, problematic and confusing.

The start of the 18^th Dynasty begins with the 30^th and 31^st year of an unidentified king, 1549-1548 BCE, probably Ahmose I, before Thutmose III came to the throne. His coronation took place May 1, 1490 BCE according to one scholar in 1935, but there are four dates for him – the Sothic date is 1465-1462 BCE, as well as two lunar moon dates and an inscription on the seventh pylon at Karnak.

If going by the Sothic date instead of the original dating then this means that the start of the 18^th Dynasty was in 1558 BCE, 21 years earlier than the original thinking. “It is immediately apparent that Ahmose I's reign takes up no fewer than six of these years to reach his 31^st regal year. There is also the good possibility as cited in note 20 that he may have reigned 40 years or more. If Ahmose is allowed a full 40 year reign then there are only six years to distribute among the other three kings. For these other kings, there appears to be one excellent possibility for a correct year assignment”.

The 18^th Dynasty in ancient Egypt was a golden age for the country; some of the most famous pharaohs, including Tutankhamen and Akhenaton, were from this period in time. The monuments built in this period are perhaps some of our best sources into understanding the history and the culture of this country. However, when we look at the different means of recording important dates in the Egyptian calendar, it may mean that we have to revise the given dates in order to be more accurate in the chronology of any Dynasty in this fascinating culture.

Bibliography:

Read, John (1970) Early Eighteenth Dynasty Chronology, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, The University of Chicago Press.

Funeral Rites among the Lama Priests of the Monguor

In all cultures across the world, death and the traditions bound up in death are important aspects of one’s culture. Among the Monguor (also known as the Tu), one of the 56 officially recognised ethnic groups in China, there are certain funerary rites that must be adhered to in order to safeguard the community. In addition to this, deaths are categorised into different groups; those who have died a natural death, an unnatural death or the death of a lama.

A lama is a Tibetan or Mongolian priest of Lamaism (Tibetan Buddhism) and the death of one of these priests is of great concern among the Monguor. Death and the spirits are considered with great seriousness as if the proper rites are not performed correctly, then the spirit can raise havoc among the community.

If a lama is advanced in years or is clearly seriously ill, a coffin is built for him in advance. The coffin is constructed sloping at the top and is painted red with a sun and moon symbols. The box is built on a small scale, usually only big enough “accommodate the corpse, which is set in the box in a squatting position just prior to being carried to the cremation ground”.

As the lama dies, his clan and immediate family are invited to join in the ‘death watch’. As soon as the lama dies, his ajiu (important male maternal relative) is informed. The rest of his family and village are then told. On the first day of his death there are endless burning of symbolic paper money and flat pieces of fried bread (which are only used during the Spring Festival, the Day of Pure Brightness, and the anniversary of the death of the deceased, and are never eaten).

The body is then prepared. The body is generally tied in a squatting position, dressed in his finest clothes. His face is white-washed and covered in yellow silk. The head is crowned with a five-directional hat and then the body is placed in the centre of the north room facing the door. A table or chest is placed in front of him where offerings of fruit, money, large sugar crystals, a bowl of rice in which crossed chopsticks are inserted, bread, joss sticks, oil lamps, etc, are placed upon. The body will stay here until the third day of his death.

On the third day, the ajiu arrives to visit the deceased with a group of people. Several old women will walk behind him, singing loud laments. As soon as the ajiu arrives, family members rush out of the home and kneel outside on the ground, and, as the ajiu draws near, they kowtow, holding incense sticks. It is the older family members, and those who are closely related to the lama, that will kowtow and the entire family will wail before the ajiu enters the home.

After this, the body is then placed in his coffin. The windows are closed in order to prevent the curious looking in. As this happens, a retinue for wailing women set off for the cremation site, singling laments about the deceased. The woman going in front carries a wicker basket containing crumpled funeral bread and bits of "sacred paper" burned for the deceased. As she walks to the site, she will gradually throw out the contents of the basket. The women have effectively, “opened a road for the deceased to follow”.

The coffin is then brought to the site. The ajiu walks in front of the coffin and the rest of the family and community behind them. Once they reach the site, a screen of several blankets are placed around the oven before the corpse is placed seated upon it in privacy. “The coffin sedan is smashed to pieces and the pieces placed in the oven bottom, above a basin of liquefied butter and cypress needles”.

On one side, a group of lamas will assemble. Usually they number seven but any up to twenty will arrive. “After the lamas assemble and begin chanting, a lama hands the oldest xiaozi a long tree-branch, the end of which has been tied with cotton, dipped in butter, and set ablaze. The xiaozi accepts the torch, kowtows to the dead lama, then kneels and lights the fuel inside the cremation oven through the four small open-ings at the bottom”.

At this point the women leave and only the men remain. After an hour the rest of the villagers will leave as well so that only a few xiaozi (male relatives) and lamas remain. After the lamas have finished their chanting, they too depart.

The fire then burns out and after three days the oven is opened, and the bones are removed using red chopsticks, wrapped in yellow gold paper, and placed in a small con-tainer. This container may then be buried locally or sent to Kumbum (Taer Temple). The mourning period of the nephew of a lama lasts for 100 days. In this time they should not cut any facial hair or brush their hair. In addition to this, they are should not wash their faces until after the coffin is taken out.

The funerals and traditions surrounding the deaths of lamas among the Monguor are fascinating; it has been pondered by scholars as to the reasons why they are cremated and never buried in their ancestral burial grounds. It has been suggested that this is because they die childless and if they were buried in ancestral ground it could bring bad luck to the community – that future generations may not reproduce.

Bibliography:

Stuart, Kevin & Hu, Jun (1992) Death and Funerals among the Minhe Tu (Monguor), Asian Folklore Studies, Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture.

China's Involvement in Laos during the Vietnam War, 1963-1975

Known as ‘the secret war’ by the Americans, the conflict in Laos during the 1960s and early 1970s was a vital element in Washington’s containment strategy in Southeast Asia in response to communist violations of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. Although scholars have studied America’s involvement in Laos, it wasn’t until recently that they have been able to make analysis of China’s involvement. In recent years, scholars have had access to source materials shredding new light of China’s involvement in Laos during the Vietnam War.

In September 1963, there was a secret meeting held between the communist party leaders from China, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), Laos, and Indonesia. The meeting was located at Conghua, near Guangzhou, and was regarding the serious situation created by the Americans in Southeast Asia. Zhou Enlai alleged that the likelihood of direct American interference in Vietnam and Laos was escalating, and that the insurgency in these countries had become a vital front for the struggle against imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism.

Zhou recommended that the leaders devise a three part strategy; “first, expand a united front by winning their people's support; second, build rural revolutionary bases for an armed struggle; and third, enhance the party's strength and leadership. He predicted that as long as the people and leaders had confidence, they could defeat the Americans. Zhou assured the communist leaders present that China would serve as a reliable rear echelon for their revolution and would help them drive the Americans out of Southeast Asia”.

In October 1963, Kaysone Phomviha travelled to Beijing to ask the Chinese for assistance in establishing a revolutionary base for the LPRP. However, Zhou was unsure of the situation in Laos and Kaysone suggested that the Chinese send a mission there to fully understand.

Since the 1930s the North Vietnamese had been a dominant force over the Lao revolutionary movement. “When the Chinese ambassador in Hanoi informed Vietnamese leaders of the new agreement between China and the LPRP, Hanoi's ini-tial response was negative. The DRVs leaders felt that China should con-tinue providing assistance to Laos through Hanoi. Hanoi's leadership, however, agreed to China's direct assistance to the LPRP and its Pathet Lao movement because China was Hanoi's source of substantial assis-tance in the form of arms, ammunition, food, and transportation equip-ment. Negativity by Hanoi's leaders on this issue might compromise their own stated commitment to the national liberation movement in South-east Asia. In their formal reply to Beijing, North Vietnamese leaders praised Beijing's internationalism and generous assistance to their revo-lutionary cause, which they claimed they "should never forget." As for China's aid to Laos, they believed that it would be "equally appreciated and welcomed." Hanoi further stated that China's aid to Laos would be regarded as support to the DRV”. This meant that the Hanoi endorsed the Chinese involvement in Laos.

As the American military became more involved in Southeast Asia, the Chinese adopted a more aggressive strategy in Laos. In the early part of 1964, General Duan and his associates left China and stayed in Laos for five years. The main goals of the Chinese operation in Laos, both military and political, was to “improve the effectiveness of Lao operations, and to determine the types and quantities of Chinese aid”.

The Chinese government did not make military decisions but did follow the military situation in Laos. They were kept informed by the LPLA headquarters and the Vietnamese Advisory Group so that the Chinese could give them advice. Beijing would send them updated intelligence reports every few days and Chinese military officers would often with the LPLA troops to offer assistance and advice.

During the war, the Chinese military supplies totalled 115,000 guns and machine guns, 2,780 artillery pieces, 34 tanks and armoured vehicles, 170 million bullets, 2.67 million shells, 920,000 grenades, 254,000 mines, 2,530 transceivers, 2,654 telephone sets, 773 trucks, 958 tons of explosives, 2.57 million items of military clothing, and 770 tons of food. However, it is uncertain as to whether Laos received them all as the supplies came way via North Vietnam.

Bibliography:

Zhang, Xiaoming (2002) China's Involvement in Laos during the Vietnam War, 1963-1975, The Journal of Military History, Society for Military History.

Death and Afterlife in Pre-Islamic Arabic Poetry

Pre-Islamic poetry makes for a beautiful read – they are hauntingly beautiful verses full of life, death and everything in between. With early Arabic poetry, you will find works that are full of references to religious concepts which are often mysterious, necessitating an understanding of the poetry's social and religious background as well as substantial guesswork for reasonable explanations.

“To escape this vicious circle, other sources, especially Islamic writings, are useful but differences in time, place, and world view must be considered. Early Muslims concerned with codifying and propagating their faith showed little interest in the pagan Arab religions, and they may have perceived, consciously or not, that an examination of such matters could depreciate the wonder of Muhammad's call and dampen its dramatic effect-a situation similar to the question of the literacy of the Prophet. Nevertheless, a number of Muslim writers such as Ibn al-Kalbi, al- Mas'udi, and ash-Shahrastani gathered substantial information about the pagan Arabs which is invaluable to discovering and decoding poetic allusions to the owl and other archaic and pre-Islamic beliefs and customs”.

Owls are frequent visitors in early Arabic poetry, an important aspect of the society they were used in, especially in regards to poetry about life and death. The owl seems to have been important to early Arab religions but scholars are still uncertain as to what this relationship was. The owl was unquestionably an awe-inspiring creature amongst the Arabs, and it was thought to be one of the followers of the djinn, supernatural and as a rule malicious beings. If an owl landed on a person’s house, it signified that death was near, and poets from this time incorporated them into their poetry.

In early Arabic poetry, death was an important theme. “In sharp contrast to the living who "wandered," the deceased was a muqim (a "sedentary"), and this word in its transitive usage, "that which causes to stay," became an epithet of the grave."1 Descriptions of the tribe's departure from the grave, the home of the deceased, strengthened the idea of sedentary life and death's oppressiveness. This hasty abandonment of the grave by the companions or the clan in order to resume their wanderings became a motif of early Arabic poetry, and it is suggestive of ancient Arab attitudes towards the deceased. The dead were not believed to take part in the activities of the community; life was precarious and often short, and the dead were no longer of consequence, though perhaps remembered”.

In poetry, the owl was formed from the bones of the person who died or carried the deceased’s soul within their bodies. In this sense then, the owl signified the troubled and tormented existence for one who had been disgraced by his friends and relative.

The owl was an important aspect to the pre-Islamic people’s beliefs; when Islam became the dominant religion, the faith had little need of the pagan gods that had been worshipped for thousands of years beforehand. Instead, the owl, and many other symbols of death and the after-life, was remembered through poetry and other forms of art. In pre-Islamic art then, the owl was a classic motif which can lead us into the archaic world, the “unconscious life which surrounds consciousness” and forms the substrata for conceptualization.

Bibliography:

Homerin, T. Emil (1985) Echoes of a Thirsty Owl: Death and Afterlife in Pre-Islamic Arabic Poetry, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, The University of Chicago Press.

An Overview on Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Sites in Central Asia

Until the 1930s there were no identified Palaeolithic or Mesolithic sites in Central Asia. However, we know that by the Late Neolithic, around the beginning of the third millennium BCE, the region began to be settled. This is confirmed by such sites as Anau, which has close cultural associations with the Middle East.

After the 1930s, Russian archaeologists started to document their findings. In the Termez region of Uzbekistan, excavations began under the guidance of AM. E. Masson, Leader of the Termez Archaeological Expedition. At Old Termez they found flint artefacts and port shards consisting of Anau I. They then found another Stone Age site near Aira-tama, a small town east of Old Termez.

It was in the Baisun-Tau region that archaeologists discovered “large number of caves test-pits revealed evidence of occupation only during historic times, but at six localities the existence of prehistoric cultural levels has been reported. These are as fol-lows: Zarangat-Gut, Dukan-Khan, Temir-Ul'de, Kurgan-Dar'ia, Amir-Temir and Teshik-Tash.3 The latter site, which was finally selected, was completely excavated during the 1938 and 1939 seasons. A small-scale dig was also undertaken at Amir-Temir, a cave in the Baisun region not far from Teshik-Tash”.

The Mousterian cave site, excavated in 1938- 1939, is the first Palaeolithic site to be scientifically excavated in Central Asia and one of the most important. Situated around 90 miles from Samarkand, it is situated in a very narrow canyon-like gorge. It was inhabited for five continuous occasions, the culture layers being “separated from each other by sterile layers of clay, sand, and coarse silt laid down during intervals when the cave was flooded with water”.

The Cultural Layer I (B) has the richest occupation layer with a reported Neanderthal child’s burial (aged eight or nine) with a ring of Siberian Mountain Goat horns. In each of the Cultural Layers, archaeologists found goats horns. They show that the “artefacts of Mousterian hunters indicate temporary periods of habitation separated by times when Teshik-Tash was vacated and depositionary processes were active”.

Archaeologists have also discovered a few flint implements, including several end-scrapers and one or two small retouched blades in western Turkmenistan, indicating that this region was moderately densely occupied during Late Mesolithic and Early Neolithic periods.

The Central Asian region has been largely ignored by archaeologists studying the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods; instead it is the Middle East that draws scholars. However, scholars are just learning that this part of Central Asia holds a wealth of knowledge on the cultures that lived in this region so long ago.

Bibliography:

Movius Jnr., Hallam L. (1953) Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Sites in Soviet Central Asia, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, American Philosophical Society.