The Role of Remote Sensing in Ethnohistorical Research

In the last few decades archaeology has seen new technique and methods, especially in ethnohistorical research. Remote sensing techniques can offer a great deal in constructing new research methods and as such played an important part in the transition.

Remote sensing in can be defined as the detection, recognition or evaluation of distant objects through the use of recording devices. The turn ‘remote sensing’ refers to the use of both photographic and non-photographic imagery produced from an aerial vantage point. As such, cameras, thermal infrared scanners, radar and multi-spectral systems are just a few of the many instruments that can be used to record and utilise natural and man-made features from aircraft, satellites and spacecraft.

There are some ethnohistorians who may find replacements somewhat difficult to use in their studies. However, remote sensing offers a wealth of information that can be crucial in ethnohistorical research.

Both historians and archaeologists would define ethnohistorical will research as “… the use of historical and ethnological methods and materials to gain knowledge of the nature and causes of change in a culture”. There are scholars who believe that ethnohistorians rely primarily on the written record, whereas archaeologist and anthropologist utilise different techniques to gather information, such as maps, photos, ecological surveys and site exploration.

For ethnohistorians, remote sensing can offer vital information. “For example, remote sensing offers an improved vantage point, one that can assist in the evaluation and measuring of known patterns and structures not easily visible from the ground. This includes residence and settlement patterns, trade routes, and demographic information. Aerial photos and imagery achieve levels of sensitivity beyond the capacity of the human eye, aiding in the search for undiscovered historical features and assisting in site exploration”.

There are many different types of remote sensing. One of these includes black and white photography – “the film has an emulsion of silver salts that becomes black metallic silver when activated by light energy. The light that is recorded on the film is the selective reflection of sunlight from the various phenomena photographed through the lens. The quantity of energy reflected from an object is a function of the incoming energy as well as absorption and reflective characteristics of the object. Therefore, if one is not utilizing pre-existing or archival photography, the planning of new photography for ethnohistorical research requires that light intensity, altitude (hence scale and resolution considerations), and the angle and direction of the photography be properly specified”.

In the last few years, archaeologists and cultural geographers have experimented with a vast range of different sensors, data-processing techniques and new strategies in order to find the greatest advantage when studying ancient cultures. Using remote sensing, ethnohistorians will find that they gain a lot more when incorporating this new technique.

Bibliography:

Kruckman, Laurence (1987) The Role of Remote Sensing in Ethnohistorical Research, Journal of Field Archaeology, Boston University.

The Syro-Hittite Ritual Burial of Monuments

The Syro-Hittite cultures flourished in ancient Mesopotamia from the Late Bronze Age to the time when they were finally annexed by Assyria sometime in the eighth century BCE. One of the many features they are known for are their remarkable pieces of art and architecture, especially giant lions where they were placed in front of palaces and temples.

Many of these beautiful monuments were later burnt to the ground by invaders who conquered these areas. These gate-lions and other statues were also broken down into smaller pieces and then taken away as spoils of war, to be reused for their own monuments or simply left buried underneath the rubble for an extraordinary long period.

However, at least five locations - Alalakh, Hazor, Zincirli, and Arslantepe near Malatya – archaeologists have discovered that these monuments were carefully buried in the ground, suggesting a Syro-Hittite burial ritual.

In Alalakh, archaeologists discovered several temples that were destroyed sometime in the 13^th century BCE when they were destroyed by the Sea Peoples. They also found evidence of a short occupation in the 12^th century BCE. A large statue of the king, Idri-mi, would have been firmly fixed onto a throne in an annex.

However, Woolley remarks, “In a room in the annexe of the temple proper ... we found a hole which had been dug into the floor and filled with earth and large stones (the largest weighing nearly a ton and a half) and smoothed over; under the stones there was a broken statue; the head, which had been knocked off, was set beside the body together with two smaller fragments, one of the beard, the other of a foot; only part of one foot was missing. The statue belonged to the throne found on the temple floor.... We can be sure that the statue was on its throne when the temple was destroyed because the breaking of the feet must have resulted from its being knocked violently off its base into which the feet were socketted.... After the sack of the temple someone must have crept back and piously collected all that he could find of the figure and hidden it in a hastily-dug hole ...”. The statue of the king had clearly been collected and buried carefully under the floor.

As with Alalakh, archaeologists found other temple monuments which, after invasion by a hostile enemy, had been buried in the ground. In Zincirli, five gigantic lions were dragged from their original places and buried in a specially made pit. When taking into account how heavy and the difficulties in moving them, it is clear that this was a case of ritual burying.

For a period of at least half a millennium, the Syro-Hittite people clearly practiced a ritual of burying monuments. However, there are questions that arise when looking at the information yielded from these temples. Why were only a small number of temple monuments buried in a ritualistic manner? Why did other temples not do this as well? Although the number of cases is relatively small, the sheer extent to which these ancient people went to bury these monuments clearly shows that it is not accidental.

The burial of monuments seems to indicate their importance in the cults and the ancient beliefs of the Syro-Hittite world. “The ritual burial seems to support the view that the gate-lions were not merely decorated orthostats meant to strengthen the superstructure of the gates in which they were incorporated, but, as guardians of the gate were considered to possess godly, demonical, or punitive powers”.

Bibliography:

Ussishkin, David (1970) The Syro-Hittite Ritual Burial of Monuments, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, the University of Chicago Press.

The History of the Xiajiadain Period in Ancient China

Before the major dynasties of ancient Chinese history, there were several Neolithic cultures that sprang up around the valleys of the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers. These ancient civilizations, known as cultures, established agricultural communities in the Bronze Age which later gave way to better known cultures such as the Shang civilization.

The Lower Xiajiadain culture was established in Inner Mongolia and Liaoning and Hebei provinces in the north of China. At the time it emerged (around 2200 BCE) it was contemporary with the Longshan culture. Excavations have separated the Xiajiadain period into three phrases with the known 2000 sites falling into one of the three categories, based on size and the presence of defences.

Some Xiajiadain sites had large walls for protection; the largest site covers more than 10 ha (25 acres). Smaller defended sites and those without walls clustered around a large central place. An example of this can be found at Chijiayingzi. A number of these stone walls included bastions of stone or stamped earth and had plastered walls and floors.

Different locations had slight variations. For example, in Sifendi in Inner Mongolia, houses were constructed as circular buildings with a diameter of not more than 4m (13ft), dominated by a hearth in the middle of the room.

The Xiajiadain culture was based on millet cultivation and many storage pits were likely to have been dug to store millet for the winter period. Archaeologists have unearthed large amounts of cultural implements, such as stone hoes, sickles, spades made from animal shoulder bones, and bones from several types of animals. The animal bones strongly indicate that the Xiajiadain people had raised livestock as well as hunting deer. From grave excavations, it appears pigs were placed with the bodies as ritual offerings.

Graves have been found at many sites belonging to the Xiajiadain culture. At Dadianzi, some 800 burials have been excavated. The elite classes were placed in large graves of up to 8.9m (29ft) where a wooden coffin was placed at the bottom. On top of the coffin finely painted ceramic vessels and limbs of domestic pigs were placed in niches at the side. Archaeologists have also found polished stone battle-axes, lacquer-ware, rare jades, ornaments made from bronze and skeletons of dogs and pigs.

Not only can the Xiajiadain culture tell us what the society was like, it can also tell us what the conditions were like to live in at the time. “Pollen collected from graves of the Lower Xiajiadian period, however, suggests that conditions did not significantly deteriorate during the 5th and 4th millennia B.P. Analysis of pollen collected from Lower Xiajiadian graves showed that in some samples, tree pollen accounted for up to 99% of the total pollen, while in others bush and grass pollen accounted for 95% of the pollen. Among the trees, pine and other polipodia dominated the pollen spectrum. This suggests that the area had a wooded environment with patches of grassland and agricultural fields. On the basis of the types and relative frequencies of plants identified, a wetter environment than the present is suggested”.

The Xiajiadain period was a remarkable period in Chinese history; because of this ancient society, it is believed they were, in part, the ancestors of the Shang civilization.

Bibliography:

Linduff, Katheryn. M., Drennan, Robert D. & Shelach, Gideon (2002-2004) Early Complex Societies in NE China: The Chifeng International Collaborative Archaeological Research Project, Journal of Field Archaeology, Boston University.

Higham, Charles (2005) The Human Past – Complex Societies of East and Southeast Asia, Thames & Hudson, London.

The History and Significance of the Egyptian God Geb

Egyptian mythology has fascinated the world for centuries; one of the oldest civilizations in the world, Egyptian mythology reflects the way the ancient people of this society viewed their world. They both feared and worshipped their gods in order to guarantee the annual flooding of the Nile which allowed them to stay alive in this harsh climate. The gods of ancient Egypt reflected the society of the Egyptians and we can see this in the significance and history of their deities.

The ancient Egyptian god Geb was one of the most important deities in the Egyptian pantheon. The god of the earth, Geb was both the brother and consort of Nut, as well as the oldest son of Shu and Tefnut, the deities of air and moisture.

One of his famous myths recounts the legend of how the earth and sky were formed. Geb and Nut were locked in a passionate embrace and Shu, or in other versions, the sun god Ra, separated them so violently that Geb formed the earth and Nut the sky. The distance between them gave enough space for Nut to give birth to their children. According to legends, Geb continued to grieve for Nut and his grief caused earthquakes (Cotterell & Storm, p.281).

Geb also played a leading role among the gods. In the Pyramid Texts (a collection of Egyptian texts concerning funerary rites), he is described as the spokesman of the gods against Set (Brandon, p.117).

The Egyptians viewed astronomy as an important part of life and in this Geb also plays a vital role. The 160 day visible rising phase of the decan stars was called Geb, or evening/night (rising) and the 200 day withdrawing phase was called Nut, or day (rising). This Nut rising period was when the stars withdrew, and could reflect the explanation that the goddess swallowed her star children, although this theory has been amended (Conman, p.64). Geb becomes a prince of the decan stars because he “commands them to rise. He causes the stars to return to life after they have been swallowed. He is responsible for the heliacal risings of the decans. Considered an earth god, Geb has a distinctly non-chthonic side that includes an existence in the sky” (Conman, p.64).

Geb plays an important role in the history of both ancient Egyptian mythology and history. Through the study of this deity, we can gain new insight into the fascinating history of this ancient culture.

Bibliography:

Brandon, S. G. F. (1958) A Problem of the Osirian Judgement of the Dead, Numen, BRILL.

Conman, Joanne (2003) It’s About Time: Ancient Egyptian Cosmology, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur, Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH.

Cotterell, Arthur & Storm, Rachel (1999) The Ultimate Encyclopedia of Mythology, Hermes House, Anness Publishing House.

Examples of Religious Diversity in Roman Britain

The Romans conquered many civilizations during the Republic and once Rome became an Empire. However, most non-academics do not realize that although Rome imposed much of their culture on these people, religious tolerance was one of Rome’s strengths. It is my intention to explore religious tolerance in Roman Britain through the use of the archaeological record.

The first example I wish to present, is the goddess Senuna. Near Baldock in Hertfordshire in 2002, a metal detector found a hoard of artefacts. This hoard is now on display in the British Museum. One inscription is dedicated to the goddess, which states

D SENVNE FLAVIA CVNORIS V S L M

This translates as “To the goddess Senuna, Flavia Cunoris paid her vow, willingly, deservedly” (Burnham, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489). Until this discovery, this goddess was unknown and has been able to throw new light on the religious diversity between the Romans and the native population. The votive plaques of the goddess gives her similar characteristics similar to that of Sulis Minerva, the Romano-British goddess, worshipped at Bath in Somerset. Since there are springs near to where the hoard was found, it could be argued that the goddess was associated with “the south-British river whose name is transmitted by the Ravenna Cosmography as Senua” (, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489).

The offerings, which included coins, jewellery, votive plaques, a figurine and cloak clasps, are of importance. The jewellery was imported from different parts of the Roman Empire, and the name of Flavia Cunoris suggests that the dedication was from a Roman woman, rather than a local woman. So from this, we can clearly see that a native goddess was worshipped, respected and given offerings to not only from the local population, but also from the Romans.

The next example to explore the theme of religious diversity in Roman Britain is the archaeological finds of Abandinus in Godmanchester in Cambridgeshire. Excavations uncovered a bath-house and three temples or shrines. As with many Celtic gods, we only have one inscribed that records his existence in Celtic mythology. It reads,

DEO ABANDINO VATIAVCVS D S D

Which translates as “To the god Abandinus, Vatiacus gave this from his own resources” (Wilson, Wright & Hassall, p.325). This inscription was found on the bottom of a single bronze feather found in the disused aqueduct of the bath-house. Because of the evidence found, it can be argued that Abandinus was a local deity and was worshipped by the Romans. So here is another example of religious diversity between the native Celts and the Roman population.

One more example that I wish to put forward is the cult of Mithras. Mithras was the Persian god of truth and light, and evidence of his worship can be found throughout the Roman Empire, as this deity was very popular with the Roman soldiers. A stone relief depicting his divine birth was found in northern England, and temples dedicated to the god have been along Hadrian’s Wall in northern England. Excavations undertaken at a temple of Mithras in London uncovered a wealth of icons and treasures that were buried before the building was converted into a building for a different form of worship in the 4^th century CE (Perring, p.123).

From the evidence shown in the archaeological record show that religious diversity in Roman Britain was more fluid than fixed. The cultural differences between the native and the Roman population were not quite as negative as what some people still believe today. In fact, it is because of the belief and respect the Roman soldiers paid to these Celtic deities that we today can identify and learn more about them.

Bibliography:

Burnham, Barry., Hunter, F., Fitzpatrick, A.P., Worrel, S., Hassall, M.W.C. & Tomlin, R.S.O (2004) Roman Britain in 2004, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.

Perring, Dominic (2003) ‘Gnosticism’ in Forth-century Britain: The Frampton Mosaics Reconsidered, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.

Wilson, D.R., Wright, R.P. & Hassall, M.W.C. (1973) Roman Britain in 1972, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.