Ancient Egypt has fascinated the world for centuries; its long standing history is testament to the power and strength of the Empire and accomplished many remarkable achievements. Ancient Egyptian religion gave birth to a vast array of deities, including the first monotheistic faith under the Pharaoh Akhenaton.
The gods in the Egyptian pantheon reflected the lives of the ancient people; as a crop farming people many of the myths were inspired by the river Nile and the dependence on it to survive. In the early stages of this great civilization, each major city state had their own gods. When Egypt was eventually united under one pharaoh, many of the local gods were admitted into the national pantheon.
The goddess Hathor is still one of the most recognised deities from Ancient Egypt. She was the daughter of the sun god, Ra (also spelt Re), and worshipped as the goddess of joy, love, dance and song as well as being the protector of mothers and children. In addition, she was believed to carry the dead to the underworld where she would refresh them by offering them food and drink from the sycamore tree. As the Divine Cow, Hathor embodied the sky and was the mediating figure between the worlds of the living and the dead.
Hathor was connected with The Eye of Ra, which is one of her most famous myths. Long before Egypt had human rulers, the god Ra ruled the land. Near the end of his rule, Ra became angry with the lack of respect that his subjects offered him. At first he sent a wave of scorching heat, but the humans found shelter in the rocks, thus escaping his fury. Frustrated, he asked the other gods for advice on what to do next. The other gods suggested that he sent his Eye in the form of Hathor-Sekhmet.
Taking the form of a lioness, Hathor-Sekhmet relentlessly pursued the humans, killing whoever she could find. By the time Ra recalled her, Hathor-Sekhmet had acquired the taste for blood and was determined to destroy the rest of mankind.
On seeing this, Ra became alarmed. He had only wanted to teach his subjects a lesson, not to utterly destroy them. While Hathor-Sekhmet rested in the shade, Ra ordered the Priest of Heliopolis to ground a consignment of local red ochre and then mix it with barley beer. When completed, the result was 7,000 jars of what appeared to be blood. Ra then ordered the contents to be emptied over the fields where Hathor-Sekhmet planned her destruction the next day.
Hathor-Sekhmet was fooled. The next morning she saw a field of what looked to her, blood. She drank her fill, became intoxicated and fell into a stupor. When she awoke, she regain her senses; remembering what her original intentions were, she set off for home again and returned to being an benevolent goddess once more. As a gesture of good faith, Ra decreed that the Egyptian people could drink as much as they liked at Hathor’s festivals.
From this myth, we can see the dual nature of Hathor. She was both fierce and gracious, destructive and benevolent, and this can be seen in columns and amulets, and occasionally in reliefs, when two or even four faces of the goddess were depicted.
In art, Hathor’s benevolent nature is shown usually in the form of a cow, as this was the shape in which the goddess fashioned when she nursed the infant Horus when he was hidden from his murderous uncle Seth, in the marshes of Chemmis. At Deir el Bahari a magnificent statue of the Hathor cow was found intact in a rock shrine.
In addition to this, the goddess could be depicted as a beautiful young woman wearing a sun-disc with horns on her head. The two forms could also be combined – there are many instances where Hathor was shown as a beautiful young woman with the ears of a cow. There are very few occurrences where the goddess was shown in full human form.
The numerous aspects of Hathor were reflected in her worship and the offerings made to her. Large amounts of beads, scarabs and amulets made from the glazed composition known as Egyptian faience have been found at Deir el Bahari. Since one of Hathor’s many titles is ‘Lady of Turquoise’ it is possible that these objects were offered to her in the hope that they would please the goddess.
Also dedicated to Hathor were sistra, a musical instrument. Sistra were used in the worship of several goddesses, but particularly associated with Hathor. With these, Hathor, in the form of a cow-eared face, formed the base of the loop on each side.
Although an ancient goddess, known from the pre-dynastic period, Hathor’s worship became more prominent from the Middle Kingdom period onwards (c.2134 – 2040 BCE).
Our first textual reference to the goddess comes from an inscription on either side of the valley temple of Khafre, where the king is said to be beloved of Bastet (on the north side) and beloved of Hathor (on the south side).
With the reign of Menkaure (c.2532 – 2504 BCE), Hathor and her cult rose to prominence, with the king founding the priesthood of Hathor at Tehneh. A number of cylinder seals describe Menkaure as ‘beloved of’ and ‘one who worships’ Hathor. There are numbers of these during the reign of Khafre, but the quantity is much higher under the earlier pharaoh.
Hathor is one of the most fascinating and complex deities in the Egyptian pantheon; her worship was highly regarded during antiquity and her myths and legends still have the power to enthral and entertain us in today’s society.
Bibliography:
Gillam, Robyn A. (1995) Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance, Journal of the American Research Centre in Egypt, American Research Centre in Egypt.
Pinch, Geraldine (1982) Offerings to Hathor, Folklore, Taylor & Francis on behalf of Folklore Enterprises Ltd.
Friday, February 18, 2011
Thursday, February 17, 2011
A History of the Manchus
The Manchus are one of the 56 officially recognised ethnic groups in China; as of the 1990 census, there are approximately 9.8 million, mainly in Liaoning Province. There are, however, small numbers of Manchus living in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, and Hebei and Shangdong provinces. The main area where the Manchus are found was named Manchuria.
The origins of the Manchus are somewhat difficult to trace. However, scholars are confident that the Manchu people derived from the Jurchen culture (10th – 17th centuries) which was primarily a folk culture in which oral tradition, shamanic ritual, and clan custom were the foundations of an organized social existence. The Jurchen people themselves were related to or descended from the Heishui Mohe people of the Tang period, who in turn shared lineage with the Bohai people of southern Manchuria. The Manchus today are descended from several small groups of people from the northeast of China, making them a very unique and fascinating ethnic group.
One of the earliest sources of our knowledge on the Manchus is from the’ History of the [Jurchen] Jin [Jin shi), an anthology on the Jin dynasty (1115- 1234) that had been translated into Manchu under Hung Taiji (1592- 1643), the man who had succeeded his father as second khan of the Later Jin in 1627 and later created himself emperor of the Qing dynasty. He states that the location where the Manchus rose was Changbaishan, and the Black River the Heilongjiang and that one of the peoples who came to be known as the Manchus were called zhushe.
These zhushe were said to practice a tradition where a baby’s head was flattened using a stone; this is reminiscent of a custom that the Manchus used to practice. This shows a common ancestry with the zhushe, emphasising their ancient lineage. Unfortunately, no records of other zhushe traditions survive today.
The Manchus are most commonly recognised for the rise to power in the 17th century CE when they founded the Qing Dynasty, the last dynastic era in Chinese history. However, they made an appearance in early Ming Chinese records (the Manchus were seen as barbarians and were a non-Chinese race), where they were "propagandists of the most scandalous inclinations picked over every word, every line, every paragraph, with no object other than to defame”.
The Qing Dynasty began in 1644 under Nurgaci who had been given the title Dragon-Tiger General (longhu jiang] during the Ming dynasty and it was hoped that this would appease him. “The wrath of Nurgaci was provoked by the Seven Great Grievances, and it was to avenge them that the defeats were visited on the Ming armies in the early battles in Liaodong. The Ming sued for peace, but the Qing were not so easily placated”. Eventually, the Ming dynasty collapsed, the Qing hunted down the last Ming ruler who had fled to Burma and had him killed. The Qing took complete control.
In the first two decades of the Manchu rule was overseen by four regents who acted on behalf of the young king K'ang-hsi who was still in his minority. After attaining his majority in 1667 and annuled the regency in 1669, K'ang-hsi led China resolutely and intelligently for another half-century. But his key achievements and the essence of his rule are easily perceived in a fifteen-year determining phase from 1669 to 1684 when he succeeded in establishing Manchu rule over China. By the end of this episode, K'ang-hsi had upturned the general course of government policy, applied sensible decisions in political calamities, suppressed a powerful enemy on land and another at sea, protected China's northern boundaries against foreign advancement, utilized both Manchu and Chinese abilities for government benefits, opened China to Western scientific knowledge, supported literary compilations, and dissipated the anti-Manchu hostility of a large group of Chinese scholars.
Even under the rule of K'ang-hsi, the peak of the Qing Dynasty had already passed; it was not surprising that it began its slow and eventually fatal decline after K'ang-hsi’s death. Until the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1912 under the rule of Emperor Puyi, China was subjected to several rebellions and wars, such as the Taiping Rebellion, the Japanese-Sino War and the two Opium Wars. The fall of the Qing Dynasty paved the way for the Chinese Revolution.
Today, the Manchus are an ethnic group that boasts some of the highest numbers. Although they were seen as non-Chinese, the Manchus and the Han Chinese basically shares the same festivals although there are still some elements which difficult. Like with many of the ethnic groups in China, they have their own language which is as unique and as old as the Manchu people themselves.
Bibliography:
Crossley, Pamela Kyle (1987) Manzhou Yuanliu Kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage, The Journal of Asian Studies, Association for Asian Studies.
Kessler, Lawrence D. (1971) Chinese Scholars and the Early Chinese State, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Harvard-Yenching Institute.
Tuesday, February 15, 2011
Examples of Religious Diversity in Roman Britain.
The Romans conquered many civilizations during the Republic and once Rome became an Empire. However, most non-academics do not realize that although Rome imposed much of their culture on these people, religious tolerance was one of Rome’s strengths. It is my intention to explore religious tolerance in Roman Britain through the use of the archaeological record.
The first example I wish to present, is the goddess Senuna. Near Baldock in Hertfordshire in 2002, a metal detector found a hoard of artefacts. This hoard is now on display in the British Museum. One inscription is dedicated to the goddess, which states
D SENVNE FLAVIA CVNORIS V S L M
This translates as “To the goddess Senuna, Flavia Cunoris paid her vow, willingly, deservedly” (Burnham, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489). Until this discovery, this goddess was unknown and has been able to throw new light on the religious diversity between the Romans and the native population. The votive plaques of the goddess gives her similar characteristics similar to that of Sulis Minerva, the Romano-British goddess, worshipped at Bath in Somerset. Since there are springs near to where the hoard was found, it could be argued that the goddess was associated with “the south-British river whose name is transmitted by the Ravenna Cosmography as Senua” (, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489). The offerings, which included coins, jewellery, votive plaques, a figurine and cloak clasps, are of importance. The jewellery was imported from different parts of the Roman Empire, and the name of Flavia Cunoris suggests that the dedication was from a Roman woman, rather than a local woman. So from this, we can clearly see that a native goddess was worshipped, respected and given offerings to not only from the local population, but also from the Romans.
The next example to explore the theme of religious diversity in Roman Britain is the archaeological finds of Abandinus in Godmanchester in Cambridgeshire. Excavations uncovered a bath-house and three temples or shrines. As with many Celtic gods, we only have one inscribed that records his existence in Celtic mythology. It reads,
DEO ABANDINO VATIAVCVS D S D
Which translates as “To the god Abandinus, Vatiacus gave this from his own resources” (Wilson, Wright & Hassall, p.325). This inscription was found on the bottom of a single bronze feather found in the disused aqueduct of the bath-house. Because of the evidence found, it can be argued that Abandinus was a local deity and was worshipped by the Romans. So here is another example of religious diversity between the native Celts and the Roman population.
One more example that I wish to put forward is the cult of Mithras. Mithras was the Persian god of truth and light, and evidence of his worship can be found throughout the Roman Empire, as this deity was very popular with the Roman soldiers. A stone relief depicting his divine birth was found in northern England, and temples dedicated to the god have been along Hadrian’s Wall in northern England. Excavations undertaken at a temple of Mithras in London uncovered a wealth of icons and treasures that were buried before the building was converted into a building for a different form of worship in the 4th century CE (Perring, p.123).
From the evidence shown in the archaeological record show that religious diversity in Roman Britain was more fluid than fixed. The cultural differences between the native and the Roman population were not quite as negative as what some people still believe today. In fact, it is because of the belief and respect the Roman soldiers paid to these Celtic deities that we today can identify and learn more about them.
Bibliography
Burnham, Barry., Hunter, F., Fitzpatrick, A.P., Worrel, S., Hassall, M.W.C. & Tomlin, R.S.O (2004) Roman Britain in 2004, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
Perring, Dominic (2003) ‘Gnosticism’ in Forth-century Britain: The Frampton Mosaics Reconsidered, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
Wilson, D.R., Wright, R.P. & Hassall, M.W.C. (1973) Roman Britain in 1972, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
The first example I wish to present, is the goddess Senuna. Near Baldock in Hertfordshire in 2002, a metal detector found a hoard of artefacts. This hoard is now on display in the British Museum. One inscription is dedicated to the goddess, which states
D SENVNE FLAVIA CVNORIS V S L M
This translates as “To the goddess Senuna, Flavia Cunoris paid her vow, willingly, deservedly” (Burnham, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489). Until this discovery, this goddess was unknown and has been able to throw new light on the religious diversity between the Romans and the native population. The votive plaques of the goddess gives her similar characteristics similar to that of Sulis Minerva, the Romano-British goddess, worshipped at Bath in Somerset. Since there are springs near to where the hoard was found, it could be argued that the goddess was associated with “the south-British river whose name is transmitted by the Ravenna Cosmography as Senua” (, Hunter, Fitzpatrick, Worrel, Hassell & Tomlin, p. 489). The offerings, which included coins, jewellery, votive plaques, a figurine and cloak clasps, are of importance. The jewellery was imported from different parts of the Roman Empire, and the name of Flavia Cunoris suggests that the dedication was from a Roman woman, rather than a local woman. So from this, we can clearly see that a native goddess was worshipped, respected and given offerings to not only from the local population, but also from the Romans.
The next example to explore the theme of religious diversity in Roman Britain is the archaeological finds of Abandinus in Godmanchester in Cambridgeshire. Excavations uncovered a bath-house and three temples or shrines. As with many Celtic gods, we only have one inscribed that records his existence in Celtic mythology. It reads,
DEO ABANDINO VATIAVCVS D S D
Which translates as “To the god Abandinus, Vatiacus gave this from his own resources” (Wilson, Wright & Hassall, p.325). This inscription was found on the bottom of a single bronze feather found in the disused aqueduct of the bath-house. Because of the evidence found, it can be argued that Abandinus was a local deity and was worshipped by the Romans. So here is another example of religious diversity between the native Celts and the Roman population.
One more example that I wish to put forward is the cult of Mithras. Mithras was the Persian god of truth and light, and evidence of his worship can be found throughout the Roman Empire, as this deity was very popular with the Roman soldiers. A stone relief depicting his divine birth was found in northern England, and temples dedicated to the god have been along Hadrian’s Wall in northern England. Excavations undertaken at a temple of Mithras in London uncovered a wealth of icons and treasures that were buried before the building was converted into a building for a different form of worship in the 4th century CE (Perring, p.123).
From the evidence shown in the archaeological record show that religious diversity in Roman Britain was more fluid than fixed. The cultural differences between the native and the Roman population were not quite as negative as what some people still believe today. In fact, it is because of the belief and respect the Roman soldiers paid to these Celtic deities that we today can identify and learn more about them.
Bibliography
Burnham, Barry., Hunter, F., Fitzpatrick, A.P., Worrel, S., Hassall, M.W.C. & Tomlin, R.S.O (2004) Roman Britain in 2004, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
Perring, Dominic (2003) ‘Gnosticism’ in Forth-century Britain: The Frampton Mosaics Reconsidered, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
Wilson, D.R., Wright, R.P. & Hassall, M.W.C. (1973) Roman Britain in 1972, Britannia, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
Saturday, February 12, 2011
A Brief History of the Thakali of Nepal
The Thakali are an ethnic group found in Nepal who have been of great interest to historians and anthropologists as they are a people who have readily adapted to changes in their social, religious, economic and political environment.
There are several different ethnic groups in Nepal and the Thakali are one of the best documented of these. They are an agro-pastoral and trading people of the upper Kali Gandaki River region of west central Nepal, also known as THak Khola. According to government censes, there are around 12,000 Thakali spread out throughout the country due to their trading culture. The southernmost boundary of Thak Khola is the village of Ghasa.
“Thak Khola is divided into three sociologically distinct sub-regions which are known as Thak-Sat-Sae, Panchgaun, and Baragaun. The most southerly is Thak-Sat-Sae ("Seven Hundred Thak" households). It is home to a people whom outsiders call Thakali but who call themselves Tamhaang. Thak-Sat-Sae is bounded at the south by Ghasa village, and on the north by the trading town of Tukche”. There are three different cultural groups here. Although they do not intermarry, they do share similar characteristics.
It is believed that the Thakali migrated to this area centuries ago, most probably from Humla in North West Nepal. Their own dialect language is from the Tibeto-Burman language family and is distantly related to Tibetan and Gerung, a language spoken by inhabitants of southern Nepal.
There are many different origin theories, but the one generally accepted is that the “Thakali were settled in Panchgaun and Thak-Sat-Sae at least by the late 13th century A.D., and con-ceivably much earlier. Some early Tibetan writers describe a Mon-pa people (non-Tibetan and presumably non-Buddhist) who seem to have been the Thakali and whom they called the Tamhaang-Se Mon of Se-rib. Se-rib was an ancient kingdom in upper Thak Khola”.
Thakali history only really begins in 1869 CE, at the beginning of the so-called Subba period, in 1869 A.D., with the rise of a powerful Tamhaang Thakali lineage which came to be known by the name Subba. They were the leaders of the Sherchan clan who initially gained prominence in Nepalese-Tibetan military affairs, who were able to establish themselves as powerful economic middlemen in the trans-Himalayan trade. This is what has led sociologists and anthropologists to become so interested in them.
Throughout the 19th century, the Takali rose to great heights in their role of trade and long distance commerce to Tibet. In addition to this, the leaders were given political positions and they played important roles in the plans for an autonomous state independent of Kathmandu in the 1920s.
“For the Thakali, the closing of the Nepal/China border in the early 1960s, curtailment of trans-Himalayan trade through their homeland, and a social and religious orientation away from Tibetan Buddhism at their north towards Nepalese Hinduism at their south, have all created new and challenging circumstances for the maintenance of ethnic cultural identity”.
The Thakali are a people who are not as well known as some of the other ethnic groups in Asia (as the Chinese Han, Zhuang, Manchus, the Vietnamese Karen etc), but they are as fascinating as the country they live in.
Bibliography:
Messerschmidt, Donald A. (1982) The Thakali of Nepal: Historical Continuity and Socio-Cultural Change, Ethnohistory, Duke University Press.
There are several different ethnic groups in Nepal and the Thakali are one of the best documented of these. They are an agro-pastoral and trading people of the upper Kali Gandaki River region of west central Nepal, also known as THak Khola. According to government censes, there are around 12,000 Thakali spread out throughout the country due to their trading culture. The southernmost boundary of Thak Khola is the village of Ghasa.
“Thak Khola is divided into three sociologically distinct sub-regions which are known as Thak-Sat-Sae, Panchgaun, and Baragaun. The most southerly is Thak-Sat-Sae ("Seven Hundred Thak" households). It is home to a people whom outsiders call Thakali but who call themselves Tamhaang. Thak-Sat-Sae is bounded at the south by Ghasa village, and on the north by the trading town of Tukche”. There are three different cultural groups here. Although they do not intermarry, they do share similar characteristics.
It is believed that the Thakali migrated to this area centuries ago, most probably from Humla in North West Nepal. Their own dialect language is from the Tibeto-Burman language family and is distantly related to Tibetan and Gerung, a language spoken by inhabitants of southern Nepal.
There are many different origin theories, but the one generally accepted is that the “Thakali were settled in Panchgaun and Thak-Sat-Sae at least by the late 13th century A.D., and con-ceivably much earlier. Some early Tibetan writers describe a Mon-pa people (non-Tibetan and presumably non-Buddhist) who seem to have been the Thakali and whom they called the Tamhaang-Se Mon of Se-rib. Se-rib was an ancient kingdom in upper Thak Khola”.
Thakali history only really begins in 1869 CE, at the beginning of the so-called Subba period, in 1869 A.D., with the rise of a powerful Tamhaang Thakali lineage which came to be known by the name Subba. They were the leaders of the Sherchan clan who initially gained prominence in Nepalese-Tibetan military affairs, who were able to establish themselves as powerful economic middlemen in the trans-Himalayan trade. This is what has led sociologists and anthropologists to become so interested in them.
Throughout the 19th century, the Takali rose to great heights in their role of trade and long distance commerce to Tibet. In addition to this, the leaders were given political positions and they played important roles in the plans for an autonomous state independent of Kathmandu in the 1920s.
“For the Thakali, the closing of the Nepal/China border in the early 1960s, curtailment of trans-Himalayan trade through their homeland, and a social and religious orientation away from Tibetan Buddhism at their north towards Nepalese Hinduism at their south, have all created new and challenging circumstances for the maintenance of ethnic cultural identity”.
The Thakali are a people who are not as well known as some of the other ethnic groups in Asia (as the Chinese Han, Zhuang, Manchus, the Vietnamese Karen etc), but they are as fascinating as the country they live in.
Bibliography:
Messerschmidt, Donald A. (1982) The Thakali of Nepal: Historical Continuity and Socio-Cultural Change, Ethnohistory, Duke University Press.
Wednesday, February 09, 2011
Changing Patterns of Language Utilization in the Republic of Congo
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is situated in the middle of Central Africa. In 1960 she won her independence from France in 1960 and has undergone significant changes within those decades.
One of these changes is regarding languages. The Congo has around 50 different ethnic groups within her borders; these all have their own distinct languages and dialects and the inhabitants all correspond to different varieties.
The government recognises three major languages; French for education and business since gaining her independence, as well as Lingala and Munukutuba (also known as Kituba), as national languages. “All three languages are heard on national radio and television. Lingala, spoken to the north of Brazzaville, grew up as a trade language along the Congo River, which is only navigable above Brazzaville. Munukutuba is spoken to the west and south of Brazzaville and grew up along the trade routes to the ocean, especially along the railroad, which was completed in 1934”.
Because of this, all those who live in the Congo have between subjected to these languages; French is often claimed as the official language, another as the ethnic dialect and another national language. Everyone will learn these, albeit to different levels of proficiency. “Unless these three layers of language are reserved for functionally distinct domains as in diglossic situations, they will be in competition with each other and it is likely that changing patterns of language utilization will be observed. Indeed, it appears that Congo has been undergoing such a change and that many domains of usage are 'leaking', thus creating a linguistic situation similar to what Fishman calls 'bilingualism without diglossia', characterized by instability and transition”.
Scholars have made extensive studies into the changing patterns of language utilization in the Congo, especially into Lingala and Munukutuba. Using questionnaires in French, the results showed that the younger generations were more likely to have a different mother tongue to that of their parents. This could be explained through the shifting political and educational systems that have taken place in recent decades.
The changing mother tongue patterns are of great importance for scholars. For so many centuries, the African people have had their lives altered dramatically due to European influence. It has only been recently that the African people have been able to go back to their roots with pride. The fact that French is being more rapidly replaced by native languages, such as Lingala and Munukutuba, is proof of that.
Bibliography:
Woods, David R. (1994) Changing Patterns of Language Utilization in the Republic of Congo, African Languages and Cultures, Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
One of these changes is regarding languages. The Congo has around 50 different ethnic groups within her borders; these all have their own distinct languages and dialects and the inhabitants all correspond to different varieties.
The government recognises three major languages; French for education and business since gaining her independence, as well as Lingala and Munukutuba (also known as Kituba), as national languages. “All three languages are heard on national radio and television. Lingala, spoken to the north of Brazzaville, grew up as a trade language along the Congo River, which is only navigable above Brazzaville. Munukutuba is spoken to the west and south of Brazzaville and grew up along the trade routes to the ocean, especially along the railroad, which was completed in 1934”.
Because of this, all those who live in the Congo have between subjected to these languages; French is often claimed as the official language, another as the ethnic dialect and another national language. Everyone will learn these, albeit to different levels of proficiency. “Unless these three layers of language are reserved for functionally distinct domains as in diglossic situations, they will be in competition with each other and it is likely that changing patterns of language utilization will be observed. Indeed, it appears that Congo has been undergoing such a change and that many domains of usage are 'leaking', thus creating a linguistic situation similar to what Fishman calls 'bilingualism without diglossia', characterized by instability and transition”.
Scholars have made extensive studies into the changing patterns of language utilization in the Congo, especially into Lingala and Munukutuba. Using questionnaires in French, the results showed that the younger generations were more likely to have a different mother tongue to that of their parents. This could be explained through the shifting political and educational systems that have taken place in recent decades.
The changing mother tongue patterns are of great importance for scholars. For so many centuries, the African people have had their lives altered dramatically due to European influence. It has only been recently that the African people have been able to go back to their roots with pride. The fact that French is being more rapidly replaced by native languages, such as Lingala and Munukutuba, is proof of that.
Bibliography:
Woods, David R. (1994) Changing Patterns of Language Utilization in the Republic of Congo, African Languages and Cultures, Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Sunday, February 06, 2011
An Overview of the Romani Language
In any culture, language is a vital element that makes up one’s cultural identity and this is true with the Romani (who are also more widely known as Gypsies). It has only been in recent years that the Romani language has been studied, with the spelling, and the language itself, being standardized. This study was undertaken in 1990 by the Language Commission created at the Fourth World Romani Congress in Warsaw.
The Roma people were initially thought to have originated from Egypt but it has now been widely accepted that the Roma were from India, and had established themselves in Romania prior to their emigration to Western Europe. They were itinerant tribes whose nomadic lifestyle and private society soon became well known within Spain and elsewhere within Europe from the mid-15th century onwards.
As the Roma travelled throughout Asia, the Middle East and Europe, their language changed; they soon found themselves adopting and adapting local dialects and lexicons. There have been many reasons as to why the Roma language incorporated many native words into their own language. One scholar states that, “the constant need for synonyms of affective words that have lost their expressive force". The Romani language itself is an Indo-European language of Indian origin.
In Hungary, there are three major dialects of the Roma language; Vlach, Gurvari, and Romungro. A study undertaken to understand more about CDS (child-directed speech) in Roma families. Words were categorized into two lists – baby talk (i.e. bunny for the English word ‘rabbit’) and adult speech form. One of the fascinating aspects of this research is that the Roma infant's linguistic environment from early on contains a rich variety of input sources. The study showed that in Roma baby-talk in Hungary “phonological changes that are not permitted in Hungarian and that are never used by Hungarian speakers are extended to Hungarian loanwords and even to Hungarian words produced during code-switching”.
Different letter combinations have different values and meanings. For example, [j] is like English "y," [c] like "ts," [s] like "sh," [c] like "ch," [z] like "s" in "pleasure,"[dz] like [s] with the tongue curled back, [ch] like [s] with the tongue curled back, [dj] like English "j," [r] a flapped or trilled "r" as in Scottish English, [rr] a throat "r" as in French, [x] like "ch" in German “Achtung”.
The following is a list of words that can be found in the Romani language.
Abjav – “Wedding”.
Amran, Arman – “curse”.
Anav gadzikano - Non-Romani name for use in dealings with the outside world. “This may be an arbitrary choice, or may be an anglicizing (hispanizing, etc.) of the Romani name, thus o Stanko le Micosko might call himself "Stan Mitchell" in English. An individual may have several ANAVA GADZIKANE, as well as a nickname (used only in the community)”.
Anglo-Romany - The inflected dialect of Romani spoken in England until the turn of the present century, and in the United States until the 1950s.
Bangjarav – “I accuse”.
Bibaxt – “misfortune”.
Blakbolime – “shunned by the community”.
Chaj – “unmarried female”. A female is referred to chaj whatever her age if she is unmarried.
Covihani – “a witch” in the Romungro dialect.
Coxani – “a witch” in the Vlach dialect.
Del – “God”.
Farmeciv – “I curse, put a spell on” in the Vlach dialect.
Gaver – “policeman”.
Jado – “world outside of the Romani environment”.
Kalderas – The name applied to several Vlach speaking Romani groups, and their dialects. The term was originally occupational, meaning "coppersmith." Eastern and Western Kalderas populations (in Russia and Serbia for example) differ considerably in speech and custom.
Ladz – shame, disgrace, indecency, immorality.
Love – “Money”.
Patjivalo – “Honourable”.
Rrajo – “heaven”.
Selija – “Bridal veil”.
Xoxamno – “A liar”.
The study of different languages is a vital aspect of learning – not only is it a way of being about to communicate to another person from a different culture, but it is a way for us to learn about that person’s culture and cultural identity. One of the reasons why the Romani people are much unloved by the general public is due to min-communication. The studying of their language is just one step on the path of understanding the Roma culture.
Bibliography:
Hancock, Ian (1997) A Glossary of Romani Terms, The American Journal of Comparative Law, American Society of Comparative Law.
Reger, Zita & Gleason, Jean Berko (1991) Romani Child-Directed Speech and Children’s Language among Gypsies in Hungary, Language in Society, Cambridge University Press.
The Roma people were initially thought to have originated from Egypt but it has now been widely accepted that the Roma were from India, and had established themselves in Romania prior to their emigration to Western Europe. They were itinerant tribes whose nomadic lifestyle and private society soon became well known within Spain and elsewhere within Europe from the mid-15th century onwards.
As the Roma travelled throughout Asia, the Middle East and Europe, their language changed; they soon found themselves adopting and adapting local dialects and lexicons. There have been many reasons as to why the Roma language incorporated many native words into their own language. One scholar states that, “the constant need for synonyms of affective words that have lost their expressive force". The Romani language itself is an Indo-European language of Indian origin.
In Hungary, there are three major dialects of the Roma language; Vlach, Gurvari, and Romungro. A study undertaken to understand more about CDS (child-directed speech) in Roma families. Words were categorized into two lists – baby talk (i.e. bunny for the English word ‘rabbit’) and adult speech form. One of the fascinating aspects of this research is that the Roma infant's linguistic environment from early on contains a rich variety of input sources. The study showed that in Roma baby-talk in Hungary “phonological changes that are not permitted in Hungarian and that are never used by Hungarian speakers are extended to Hungarian loanwords and even to Hungarian words produced during code-switching”.
Different letter combinations have different values and meanings. For example, [j] is like English "y," [c] like "ts," [s] like "sh," [c] like "ch," [z] like "s" in "pleasure,"[dz] like [s] with the tongue curled back, [ch] like [s] with the tongue curled back, [dj] like English "j," [r] a flapped or trilled "r" as in Scottish English, [rr] a throat "r" as in French, [x] like "ch" in German “Achtung”.
The following is a list of words that can be found in the Romani language.
Abjav – “Wedding”.
Amran, Arman – “curse”.
Anav gadzikano - Non-Romani name for use in dealings with the outside world. “This may be an arbitrary choice, or may be an anglicizing (hispanizing, etc.) of the Romani name, thus o Stanko le Micosko might call himself "Stan Mitchell" in English. An individual may have several ANAVA GADZIKANE, as well as a nickname (used only in the community)”.
Anglo-Romany - The inflected dialect of Romani spoken in England until the turn of the present century, and in the United States until the 1950s.
Bangjarav – “I accuse”.
Bibaxt – “misfortune”.
Blakbolime – “shunned by the community”.
Chaj – “unmarried female”. A female is referred to chaj whatever her age if she is unmarried.
Covihani – “a witch” in the Romungro dialect.
Coxani – “a witch” in the Vlach dialect.
Del – “God”.
Farmeciv – “I curse, put a spell on” in the Vlach dialect.
Gaver – “policeman”.
Jado – “world outside of the Romani environment”.
Kalderas – The name applied to several Vlach speaking Romani groups, and their dialects. The term was originally occupational, meaning "coppersmith." Eastern and Western Kalderas populations (in Russia and Serbia for example) differ considerably in speech and custom.
Ladz – shame, disgrace, indecency, immorality.
Love – “Money”.
Patjivalo – “Honourable”.
Rrajo – “heaven”.
Selija – “Bridal veil”.
Xoxamno – “A liar”.
The study of different languages is a vital aspect of learning – not only is it a way of being about to communicate to another person from a different culture, but it is a way for us to learn about that person’s culture and cultural identity. One of the reasons why the Romani people are much unloved by the general public is due to min-communication. The studying of their language is just one step on the path of understanding the Roma culture.
Bibliography:
Hancock, Ian (1997) A Glossary of Romani Terms, The American Journal of Comparative Law, American Society of Comparative Law.
Reger, Zita & Gleason, Jean Berko (1991) Romani Child-Directed Speech and Children’s Language among Gypsies in Hungary, Language in Society, Cambridge University Press.
Saturday, February 05, 2011
The History of the Tenjin Festival in Tokyo
Festivals are an important cultural event that adds to a nation’s cultural heritage. In Tokyo, there is an annual celebration known as the Tenjin Festival when a considerable number of Japanese people visit the small Tenjin Shrine in Yushima, Bunkyo-ku. It is also known as the shrine’s annual plum blossom festival.
The festival is held on the 25th February, on the day Sugawara Michizane died in his exile in Dazaifu, Kyushu in 903 CE. He was exiled and then died only after a few short years as he lamented on his banishment. After his death, it is said that he became a vengeful spirit (onryo) and a god of thunder. As a thunder god, he tried to seek revenge on his enemy Fujiwara Tokihira until he finally succeeded. Tokihira became ill and a great flood appeared in the capital.
This was all due to Michizane's un-consoled spirit. To try and calm his spirit, he was enshrined at the Kitano Shrine in Kyoto. Eventually he merged with a Tenjin already enshrined here but his worship spread and replaced many of the previous Tenjin worshipped. The monk Nichizo, in his descriptions of journeying through hell, tells that Michizane’s spirit underwent purification and ultimately became Tenjin, the friendly and helpful god.
There is much we do not know about the historical person, but Michizane appears to have been a famous calligrapher and reached the rank of Monjo Hakase, the highest scholarly rank, by the time he was 32. This was then passed on to his spirit and because of such, Tenjin was venerated as the tutelary deity of scholarly and literary activities among the literati of the time.
The Tenjin festival is not only the celebration of the day he died. The plum tree blossoms in his garden gave him the inspiration of one of his poems when he left to go into exile. According to legend, the flowers blew thousands of miles to reach him in Dazaifu. After this, this flower became the icon for his worship.
There are many different activities to do in the Tenjin Festival. Women will dress up in their best kimonos and the men will put on their best suits. One the first day of the festival, as Tenjin is the deity of brush writing as well, a ceremony of brush writing will take place as an offering. There are at least two ‘burial sites’ for the brushes.
A sweet cake, shaped in the form of a plum, and a five Ten coin are also given as offerings. Open air performances of Ikebana and tea ceremonies are also held.
Bibliography:
Knecht, Peter (1971) Tenjin Festival in Tokyo, Asian Folklore Studies, Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture.
The festival is held on the 25th February, on the day Sugawara Michizane died in his exile in Dazaifu, Kyushu in 903 CE. He was exiled and then died only after a few short years as he lamented on his banishment. After his death, it is said that he became a vengeful spirit (onryo) and a god of thunder. As a thunder god, he tried to seek revenge on his enemy Fujiwara Tokihira until he finally succeeded. Tokihira became ill and a great flood appeared in the capital.
This was all due to Michizane's un-consoled spirit. To try and calm his spirit, he was enshrined at the Kitano Shrine in Kyoto. Eventually he merged with a Tenjin already enshrined here but his worship spread and replaced many of the previous Tenjin worshipped. The monk Nichizo, in his descriptions of journeying through hell, tells that Michizane’s spirit underwent purification and ultimately became Tenjin, the friendly and helpful god.
There is much we do not know about the historical person, but Michizane appears to have been a famous calligrapher and reached the rank of Monjo Hakase, the highest scholarly rank, by the time he was 32. This was then passed on to his spirit and because of such, Tenjin was venerated as the tutelary deity of scholarly and literary activities among the literati of the time.
The Tenjin festival is not only the celebration of the day he died. The plum tree blossoms in his garden gave him the inspiration of one of his poems when he left to go into exile. According to legend, the flowers blew thousands of miles to reach him in Dazaifu. After this, this flower became the icon for his worship.
There are many different activities to do in the Tenjin Festival. Women will dress up in their best kimonos and the men will put on their best suits. One the first day of the festival, as Tenjin is the deity of brush writing as well, a ceremony of brush writing will take place as an offering. There are at least two ‘burial sites’ for the brushes.
A sweet cake, shaped in the form of a plum, and a five Ten coin are also given as offerings. Open air performances of Ikebana and tea ceremonies are also held.
Bibliography:
Knecht, Peter (1971) Tenjin Festival in Tokyo, Asian Folklore Studies, Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture.
Friday, February 04, 2011
The Yemen Arab Republic, 1962 – 1990
On the 22nd May 1990, the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) performed their old promise to join into a single Re-public of Yemen, just three years after the YAR celebrated its silver jubilee in 1987.
The YAR, also known as North Yemen, shared half of its landward border with Saudi Arabia, and to a great extent of this border in the east and northeast, principally in desert regions is undemarcated.
North Yemen was full of tribal organizations, forces that played significant roles in national politics as well as in culture and social circles. “Despite the tendency to categorize the Zaydi highlands as "tribal" and the Shafici areas to the south and along the coast as "peasant," tribes and trib-alism are part of the sociopolitical landscape of all regions of North Yemen. Nevertheless, what has distinguished the highlands from the other areas for centuries is the greater importance of the tribe as a unit of identification and action as well as the greater extent to which the tribes could be mobilized and organized into large tribal confederations-namely, the age-old Hashid and Bakil confederations”.
There were three distinct phases in North Yemen’s republican period: the Sallal era (1962-67) under the leadership of President Abdullah al-Sallal; a 10-year transition period (1967-77), distinguished by the end of both the Egyptian military presence and the civil war; and the Salih era, a period “now identified with both the long tenure of President Ali Abdullah Salih and the change from political turmoil and economic uncertainty at its beginning to political stability and the prospect of oil-based development and prosperity in more recent year”.
The YAR’s 28 year old history ended in 1990 when the Republic of Yemen was established with President Salih calling the shots. Since 1962, there were numerous political and socioeconomic changes that took place, many good and some bad. Many of the more positive changes occurred in the since the YAR's 15th anniversary in 1977. This was a time of transition highlighted with economic good fortune and fundamental moves. Its ability to grow, expand and gain prosperity happened due to the transition phase it experienced in the 1970s.
But as one scholar states, “while it is likely that the past work done will help more than it will hinder, the precise balance between positives and negatives and the way they combine to produce that result remain to be seen”.
Bibliography:
Burrowes, Robert D. (1991) Prelude to Unification: The Yemen Arab Republic, 1962 – 1990, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Cambridge University Press.
The YAR, also known as North Yemen, shared half of its landward border with Saudi Arabia, and to a great extent of this border in the east and northeast, principally in desert regions is undemarcated.
North Yemen was full of tribal organizations, forces that played significant roles in national politics as well as in culture and social circles. “Despite the tendency to categorize the Zaydi highlands as "tribal" and the Shafici areas to the south and along the coast as "peasant," tribes and trib-alism are part of the sociopolitical landscape of all regions of North Yemen. Nevertheless, what has distinguished the highlands from the other areas for centuries is the greater importance of the tribe as a unit of identification and action as well as the greater extent to which the tribes could be mobilized and organized into large tribal confederations-namely, the age-old Hashid and Bakil confederations”.
There were three distinct phases in North Yemen’s republican period: the Sallal era (1962-67) under the leadership of President Abdullah al-Sallal; a 10-year transition period (1967-77), distinguished by the end of both the Egyptian military presence and the civil war; and the Salih era, a period “now identified with both the long tenure of President Ali Abdullah Salih and the change from political turmoil and economic uncertainty at its beginning to political stability and the prospect of oil-based development and prosperity in more recent year”.
The YAR’s 28 year old history ended in 1990 when the Republic of Yemen was established with President Salih calling the shots. Since 1962, there were numerous political and socioeconomic changes that took place, many good and some bad. Many of the more positive changes occurred in the since the YAR's 15th anniversary in 1977. This was a time of transition highlighted with economic good fortune and fundamental moves. Its ability to grow, expand and gain prosperity happened due to the transition phase it experienced in the 1970s.
But as one scholar states, “while it is likely that the past work done will help more than it will hinder, the precise balance between positives and negatives and the way they combine to produce that result remain to be seen”.
Bibliography:
Burrowes, Robert D. (1991) Prelude to Unification: The Yemen Arab Republic, 1962 – 1990, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Cambridge University Press.
Thursday, February 03, 2011
The History and Significance of the goddess Jata
Jata, according to the mythology and folklore of the Dayak people of Borneo, was an important goddess. Along with the sky god, Mahatala, Jata as the earth goddess, was responsible for creating the world. In the first epoch of creation, the sky, the mountains, the cliffs, the clouds, then sun and the moon came into being and then Jata fashioned the lands and hills during the second period of creation.
After creating all these wondrous items, Jata and Mahatala set about creating a world for man to live on. Mahatala created the Tree of Life, which had gold leaves and ivory fruit. Jata manifested herself as a female hornbill and Mahatala as a male. “She saw the Tree in the distance, flew to it and began to eat its fruit and buds. The male bird also flew to it and began to eat the moss on it, but when he saw that the female was eating the fruit he was overcome with envy. A fight broke out between them. The male hornbill broke off the buds and fruit and they changed into a gold boat. The knots were cut off by the female bird, and from them issued a young woman. She got into the gold boat and floated on the primeval ocean. The strife between the birds, that is to say between Mahatala and Jata, continued, and from bits of the Tree the rivers and lakes of the Upperworld were formed”.
It is believed that Jata dwells in the Underworld (or in the primeval waters), which is located under man’s earth. The entrance to her domain is located near villages at the deep junctions of streams, and the village of the goddess is on the Underworld river. “But in the Creation Myth the homes of the two deities are not considered as geographically separate: they are both placed in the Upperworld, one on a Jewel Mountain, the other on a Gold Mountain. They are there considered more as one deity than as a duality”.
Jata is seen as bad and the destroyer; in this, Mahatala is her counterpart who is good and the creator. Mahatala's emblem is a lance, Jata's is a cloth. Between the two deities, the sky god Mahatala reigns supreme.
Scholars have suggested that Jata’s role in the creation myth was important but subsidiary, and she has been said to be the sister or wife of Mahatala.
Bibliography:
Wales, H. G. Quaritch (1959) The Cosmological Aspect of Indonesian Religion, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.
After creating all these wondrous items, Jata and Mahatala set about creating a world for man to live on. Mahatala created the Tree of Life, which had gold leaves and ivory fruit. Jata manifested herself as a female hornbill and Mahatala as a male. “She saw the Tree in the distance, flew to it and began to eat its fruit and buds. The male bird also flew to it and began to eat the moss on it, but when he saw that the female was eating the fruit he was overcome with envy. A fight broke out between them. The male hornbill broke off the buds and fruit and they changed into a gold boat. The knots were cut off by the female bird, and from them issued a young woman. She got into the gold boat and floated on the primeval ocean. The strife between the birds, that is to say between Mahatala and Jata, continued, and from bits of the Tree the rivers and lakes of the Upperworld were formed”.
It is believed that Jata dwells in the Underworld (or in the primeval waters), which is located under man’s earth. The entrance to her domain is located near villages at the deep junctions of streams, and the village of the goddess is on the Underworld river. “But in the Creation Myth the homes of the two deities are not considered as geographically separate: they are both placed in the Upperworld, one on a Jewel Mountain, the other on a Gold Mountain. They are there considered more as one deity than as a duality”.
Jata is seen as bad and the destroyer; in this, Mahatala is her counterpart who is good and the creator. Mahatala's emblem is a lance, Jata's is a cloth. Between the two deities, the sky god Mahatala reigns supreme.
Scholars have suggested that Jata’s role in the creation myth was important but subsidiary, and she has been said to be the sister or wife of Mahatala.
Bibliography:
Wales, H. G. Quaritch (1959) The Cosmological Aspect of Indonesian Religion, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.
Tuesday, February 01, 2011
Archaeological Sites: Jenne-jeno
The archaeological site of Jenne-jeno in modern day Mali, offers us great insight to the West African way of life and the impact of the trans-Saharan trade by the North African Arabs.
Jenne-jeno emerged around the 3rd century BCE and by the 1st century CE, it had grown to about 30 acres; by the 9th century CE, it had reached its maximum extent of 82 acres. This is testament to its importance in West African history. From the 16th century to the late 19th century, Jenne-jeno dominated the central delta as a major commercial centre. Linked to Timbuktu by 500 kilometres of navigable river way, Jenne-jeno was a major player in the long-distance trade networks along.
However, through archaeological and literary sources, we have learnt that by 1828 Jenne-jeno was no longer the central point in the gold trade, owing to a westward re-direction of the trade as a result of wars between the Fulani of the Inland Delta and the Bambara of Segou (McIntosh & McIntosh, p.6). Despite this, Jenne-jeno still played an important role in the trans-Saharan trade route.
Iron and slag were present in the earliest levels, indicating that the original settlers at Jenne-jeno knew the use and manufacture of iron. The archaeological record suggests that the gradual abandonment of the site began after the 12th century CE, with complete abandonment accomplished by 1468, at which time the site was garrisoned by the Songhai conqueror Sonni Ali during his siege of Jenne.
Excavations at the site from the late 1970’s have revealed a mass of information and artefacts. The site of Jenne-jeno is a roughly teardrop-shaped mound which rises up to 8 metres above the floodplain of the Inland Niger Delta approximately 3 kilometres southwest of the present-day city of Jenne. It has been estimated that the maximum population the site could hold could is as high as 27,000. This has been done with the use of satellite sites (Connah, p.383).
However, it should be noted that the site has not produced evidence for a stratified social hierarchy or a centralised authority. Because of this lack of information, questions concerning the nature of its socio-political organization have been asked. Scholars have not been able to produce precise answers to these questions at this time.
The archaeological site of Jenne-jeno offers us great insight to the people and the history of Africa. Continual research of the artefacts found at the site and throughout African will provide us with unknown aspects into this fascinating location.
Bibliography:
Connah, Graham (2005) The Human Past – Holocene Africa, Thames & Hudson, London.
McIntosh, Roderick J. & McIntosh, Susan Keech (1981) The Inland Niger Delta before the Empire of Mali: Evidence of Jenne-jeno, The Journal of African History, Cambridge university Press.
Jenne-jeno emerged around the 3rd century BCE and by the 1st century CE, it had grown to about 30 acres; by the 9th century CE, it had reached its maximum extent of 82 acres. This is testament to its importance in West African history. From the 16th century to the late 19th century, Jenne-jeno dominated the central delta as a major commercial centre. Linked to Timbuktu by 500 kilometres of navigable river way, Jenne-jeno was a major player in the long-distance trade networks along.
However, through archaeological and literary sources, we have learnt that by 1828 Jenne-jeno was no longer the central point in the gold trade, owing to a westward re-direction of the trade as a result of wars between the Fulani of the Inland Delta and the Bambara of Segou (McIntosh & McIntosh, p.6). Despite this, Jenne-jeno still played an important role in the trans-Saharan trade route.
Iron and slag were present in the earliest levels, indicating that the original settlers at Jenne-jeno knew the use and manufacture of iron. The archaeological record suggests that the gradual abandonment of the site began after the 12th century CE, with complete abandonment accomplished by 1468, at which time the site was garrisoned by the Songhai conqueror Sonni Ali during his siege of Jenne.
Excavations at the site from the late 1970’s have revealed a mass of information and artefacts. The site of Jenne-jeno is a roughly teardrop-shaped mound which rises up to 8 metres above the floodplain of the Inland Niger Delta approximately 3 kilometres southwest of the present-day city of Jenne. It has been estimated that the maximum population the site could hold could is as high as 27,000. This has been done with the use of satellite sites (Connah, p.383).
However, it should be noted that the site has not produced evidence for a stratified social hierarchy or a centralised authority. Because of this lack of information, questions concerning the nature of its socio-political organization have been asked. Scholars have not been able to produce precise answers to these questions at this time.
The archaeological site of Jenne-jeno offers us great insight to the people and the history of Africa. Continual research of the artefacts found at the site and throughout African will provide us with unknown aspects into this fascinating location.
Bibliography:
Connah, Graham (2005) The Human Past – Holocene Africa, Thames & Hudson, London.
McIntosh, Roderick J. & McIntosh, Susan Keech (1981) The Inland Niger Delta before the Empire of Mali: Evidence of Jenne-jeno, The Journal of African History, Cambridge university Press.
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